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Along the way, he interweaves his readings of Marx, Foucault and Kant into his discussions of the interconnections of politics, aesthetics and economics that persuasively reimagine the past. Consistently compelling and smart, Kazanjian traces an important genealogy of nationalism, settler colonialism, and imperial neo-colonialism through careful readings of interesting and neglected texts, such as the narratives of black mariners, congressional tariff debates and popular novelettes. Each of his chapters mobilizes an impressive archive of literary, historical, legal and theoretical texts.

A concern for getting past the ideological armor that shields citizenship from an examination that would expose the inconsistencies of its compulsion and inequality. Ambivalent Alliance: The U. University of Minnesota Press Coming soon. Home Current Catalogs Blog. View Cart Checkout. Historians disagree over the wisdom of peaceable coercion. At first, withholding commerce rather than declaring war appeared to be the ultimate means of nonviolent conflict resolution.

In practice, the embargo hurt the U. The attack of the Chesapeake caused such furor in the hearts of Americans that even eighty years after the incident, an artist sketched this drawing of the event. Fred S. Federalists attacked the American Philosophical Society and the study of natural history, believing both to be too saturated with Democratic Republicans. Some Federalists lamented the alleged decline of educational standards for children.

Moreover, James Callender published accusations that were later proven credible by DNA evidence that Jefferson was involved in a sexual relationship with Sally Hemings, one of his slaves. When Federalists attacked Jefferson, they often accused him of acting against the interests of the very public he claimed to serve. This tactic represented a pivotal development. As the Federalists scrambled to stay politically relevant, it became apparent that their ideology—rooted in eighteenth-century notions of virtue, paternalistic rule by wealthy elite, and the deference of ordinary citizens to an aristocracy of merit—was no longer tenable.

The Republican Party rose to power on the promise to expand voting and promote a more direct link between political leaders and the electorate. The American populace continued to demand more direct access to political power.


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Jefferson, James Madison, and James Monroe sought to expand voting through policies that made it easier for Americans to purchase land. Under their leadership, seven new states entered the Union. By , only three states still had rules about how much property someone had to own before he could vote.

Never again would the Federalists regain dominance over either Congress or the presidency; the last Federalist to run for president, Rufus King, lost to Monroe in The Jeffersonian rhetoric of equality contrasted harshly with the reality of a nation stratified along the lines of gender, class, race, and ethnicity. Diplomatic relations between Native Americans and local, state, and national governments offer a dramatic example of the dangers of those inequalities. Prior to the Revolution, many Indian nations had balanced a delicate diplomacy between European empires, which scholars have called the Play-off System.

Americans pushed for more land in all their interactions with Native diplomats and leaders. But boundaries were only one source of tension.

7. The Early Republic

Trade, criminal jurisdiction, roads, the sale of liquor, and alliances were also key negotiating points. Despite their role in fighting on both sides, Native American negotiators were not included in the diplomatic negotiations that ended the Revolutionary War. Unsurprisingly, the final document omitted concessions for Native allies.

In the wake of the American Revolution, Native American diplomats developed relationships with the United States, maintained or ceased relations with the British Empire or with Spain in the South , and negotiated their relationship with other Native nations. Formal diplomatic negotiations included Native rituals to reestablish relationships and open communication. Treaty conferences took place in Native towns, at neutral sites in Indian-American borderlands, and in state and federal capitals. While chiefs were politically important, skilled orators, such as Red Jacket, as well as intermediaries, and interpreters also played key roles in negotiations.

Native American orators were known for metaphorical language, command of an audience, and compelling voice and gestures. Shown in this portrait as a refined gentleman, Red Jacket proved to be one of the most effective middlemen between Native Americans and U. The medal worn around his neck, apparently given to him by George Washington, reflects his position as an intermediary.

Seneca war chief, Philadelphia: C. Hullmandel, Throughout the early republic, diplomacy was preferred to war. Violence and warfare carried enormous costs for all parties—in lives, money, trade disruptions, and reputation. Diplomacy allowed parties to air their grievances, negotiate their relationships, and minimize violence. Violent conflicts arose when diplomacy failed.

7. The Early Republic | THE AMERICAN YAWP

Native diplomacy testified to the complexity of indigenous cultures and their role in shaping the politics and policy of American communities, states, and the federal government. They created pan-Indian towns in present-day Indiana, first at Greenville, then at Prophetstown, in defiance of the Treaty of Greenville Tecumseh traveled to many diverse Indian nations from Canada to Georgia, calling for unification, resistance, and the restoration of sacred power.

Neolin, the Delaware prophet, influenced Pontiac, an Ottawa Odawa war chief, with his vision of Native independence, cultural renewal, and religious revitalization. His message was particularly effective in the Ohio and Upper Susquehanna Valleys, where polyglot communities of indigenous refugees and migrants from across eastern North America lived together.

Once again, the epicenter of this pan-Indian resistance and revitalization originated in the Ohio Valley and Great Lakes regions, where from to a joint force of Shawnee, Delaware, Miami, Iroquois, Ojibwe, Ottawa, Huron, Potawatomi, Mingo, Chickamauga, and other indigenous peoples waged war against the American republic. Tecumseh and Tenskwatawa articulated ideas and beliefs similar to their eighteenth-century predecessors. In particular, Tenskwatawa pronounced that the Master of Life entrusted him and Tecumseh with the responsibility for returning Native peoples to the one true path and to rid Native communities of the dangerous and corrupting influences of Euro-American trade and culture.

Tenskwatawa stressed the need for cultural and religious renewal, which coincided with his blending of the tenets, traditions, and rituals of indigenous religions and Christianity. In particular, Tenskwatawa emphasized apocalyptic visions that he and his followers would usher in a new world and restore Native power to the continent. For Native peoples who gravitated to the Shawnee brothers, this emphasis on cultural and religious revitalization was empowering and spiritually liberating, especially given the continuous American assaults on Native land and power in the early nineteenth century.

Tenskwatawa as painted by George Catlin, in Tecumseh attracted a wealth of allies in his adamant refusal to concede any more land. Tecumseh proclaimed that the Master of Life tasked him with the responsibility of returning Native lands to their rightful owners. In short, spirituality tied together the resistance movement. Tecumseh and Tenskwatawa were not above using this pan-Indian rhetoric to legitimate their own authority within indigenous communities at the expense of other Native leaders. Those who opposed Tenskwatawa or sought to accommodate Americans were labeled witches.

While Tecumseh attracted Native peoples from around the Northwest and some from the Southeast, the Red Stick Creeks brought these ideas to the Southeast. Led by the Creek prophet Hillis Hadjo, who accompanied Tecumseh when he toured throughout the Southeast in , the Red Sticks integrated certain religious tenets from the north and invented new religious practices specific to the Creeks, all the while communicating and coordinating with Tecumseh after he left Creek Country.

In doing so, the Red Sticks joined Tecumseh in his resistance movement while seeking to purge Creek society of its Euro-American dependencies. Creek leaders who maintained relationships with the United States, in contrast, believed that accommodation and diplomacy might stave off American encroachments better than violence. This lack of allies hindered the spread of a pan-Indian movement in the southeast, and the Red Sticks soon found themselves in a civil war against other Creeks.

Tecumseh thus found little support in the Southeast beyond the Red Sticks, who by were cut off from the North by Andrew Jackson. Following their defeat, the Red Sticks were forced to cede an unprecedented fourteen million acres of land in the Treaty of Fort Jackson. As historian Adam Rothman argues, the defeat of the Red Sticks allowed the United States to expand west of the Mississippi, guaranteeing the continued existence and profitability of slavery. Many Native leaders refused to join Tecumseh and instead maintained their loyalties to the American republic.

The War of between the United States and Britain offered new opportunities for Tecumseh and his followers. Even then, the confederacy faced an uphill battle, particularly after American naval forces secured control of the Great Lakes in September , forcing British ships and reinforcements to retreat.

Yet Tecumseh and his Native allies fought on despite being surrounded by American forces. We are determined to defend our lands, and if it is his will, we wish to leave our bones upon them. His death dealt a severe blow to pan-Indian resistance against the United States.

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Men like Tecumseh and Pontiac, however, left behind a legacy of pan-Indian unity that was not soon forgotten. Soon after Jefferson retired from the presidency in , Congress ended the embargo and the British relaxed their policies toward American ships. Yet war with Britain loomed—a war that would galvanize the young American nation.


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The War of stemmed from American entanglement in two distinct sets of international issues. The second had older roots in the colonial and Revolutionary era.

In both cases, American interests conflicted with those of the British Empire. British leaders showed little interest in accommodating the Americans. Impressments, the practice of forcing American sailors to join the British Navy, was among the most important sources of conflict between the two nations. Driven in part by trade with Europe, the American economy grew quickly during the first decade of the nineteenth century, creating a labor shortage in the American shipping industry.

source In response, pay rates for sailors increased and American captains recruited heavily from the ranks of British sailors. As a result, around 30 percent of sailors employed on American merchant ships were British. As a republic, the Americans advanced the notion that people could become citizens by renouncing their allegiance to their home nation. To the British, a person born in the British Empire was a subject of that empire for life, a status they could not change. The British Navy was embroiled in a difficult war and was unwilling to lose any of its labor force. Review of William H.

From Thomas Jefferson to the War on Terror

Review of Michael E. Communism , in Science and Society , Presentations Invited Lectures:. Course Information Sample Syllabi:. If any myths need exploding -- or at least, further exploration -- in American history, one of the most persistent is the idea that black Americans have only recently been participants in the Kennedy 50 years ago Professor Van Gosse becomes part of a speakers bureau comprising some of the leading historians in the country.

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